Paul Froelich

Rathenau’s Murder and the Policy of the German Government

(28 June 1922)


From International Press Correspondence, Vol. 2 No. 54, 28 June 1922, pp. 399.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.
Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2019). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.


The murder of Rathenau, German Minister of Foreign affairs, is the present culminating point of a powerful nationalist movement. Its immediate aim is not the seizure of power by a Monarchist Putsch. But it aims at the preparation of opinion through the encouragement and incitement of the reactionaries and the terrorizing of its opponents. Therefore nationalist demonstrations, regimental festivals, parades before Hindenburg and various Hohenzollern and Wittelsbach princelings, bomb attacks on Communist papers and book-stores and assassinations of politicians are methodically used to inflame public opinion.

The danger for the petty-bourgeois cabinet today at the head of the Government is as great for its individual members as for the government as a whole. This the Government knows and it was expressed in the pointed speech of Chancellor Wirth which proclaimed the guilt of the chauvinistic parties and threatened a sharp fight against the Monarchists, calling on the strength of the working class.

The words of the Chancellor awakens such hopes in all those who are only accustomed to listen to words. But the first “deed” of his Government was the deepest disappointment to the Left and awakened a scarcely concealed disdain among the right. The petty-bourgeois democracy in present-day Germany is no Jacobin Society in spite of its brave words. It is not even a caricature of the Jacobins of the Frankfort Parliament. It deserves in an even greater measure the scorn of Karl Marx for the Paris Mountain Party in 1848. The contradiction between the mighty phrases and the weak deeds of this people is unexampled in history.

This contradiction becomes crasser and more ridiculous at each expression of the Government. During the Erzberger murder we heard the same brave words. Mr. Wirth assured us that during civil war he would be found on the side of the barricade where the workers stood. Then followed the weak extraordinary decree against murder propaganda which in practice was used only against the Communist. But even that did not satisfy the counter-revolution. It desired a complete triumph. The Bavarian Government declared war on the Government of the Reich. The result was the complete capitulation of the Reich before Kahr-Bavaria. The Reich Government renounced its sovereignty in Bavaria. Nothing could be undertaken against the center of the murder organizations. The Monarchists remained the masters of the situation and this found its expression in the increased exploitation and suppression of the working class.

The Government has now picked up the threads of the matter just as they lay before the Erzberger case. It has confirmed its former capitulation before Kahr-Bavaria by renouncing the unconditional fulfilment of its orders in that state. Today the Orgesch-Government may openly state that it will wage war against political murder and the Reich that it will respect Bavaria’s will in this matter. Over the so-called National Supreme Court any man with the slightest political understanding must laugh.

What are the causes of the weakness of this Government? It is a Government which owes its being to its assassination of the revolution. It is therefore incapable of fighting the counterrevolution. It has not a single instrument of power. The whole apparatus of administration is tainted with Monarchism. Any measure decided upon is sabotaged by this administration. No steps are ever taken against the murderers. They have their accomplices in the police from the highest to the lowest authorities. The law is also involved. It tramples over the Government and the Republic. The Monarchist murderers feel nowhere safer than in its arms. The acquittal of Killinger, accomplice in the Erzberger murder, has lately proved that. It has encouraged the murder-gangs to further deeds.

The military is not in the hands of the Government. The Reichswehr as well as the Schutzpolizei is led by Monarchist officers. The last few weeks have proved that in the Monarchist parades and regimental festivals. The republican elements have long been expelled from these organizations. The Orgesch therefore has well-organized troops which in civil war could prevail against the military forces of the Reich, even if these latter were filled with republican sentiment.

To this the Government is bound by the needs of its policy. It pursues a bourgeois “fulfilment” policy. It cannot carry this out without the approval of big capital which can precipitate financial and political bankruptcy through the power of its capital. Therefore this Government of Socialists and bourgeois- democratic elements must not only pursue an outspoken Stinnes policy. The Stinnes Party jealously sees to it that no political situation bring the working class any strengthening of its power. It therefore stands protectingly over the Monarchists whose military and murder organizations are supported mainly by big capital. On this protecting wall every political action of the Government breaks.

Now comes the question how this Government exists without power. How does it come that it is not overcome by these powers. The reason lies in the position of power possessed by the working class. The Government lives because it is the balancing point between the two real powers, capitalist counter revolution and proletarian revolution. Politically, capital is in preponderance because of the inactivity of the proletariat. Therefore big capital compels one concession after the other from the Government. Therefore the Government can wage no war against its sworn enemies, the Monarchists. Therefore the exploitation and political suppression of the working class wax ever intenser.

But the economic and political counter-revolution can only gain ground step by step. In a fight for power it would call forth the active resistance of the whole proletariat and would endanger its positions. The working class is the strongest political power in Germany.

Why then is this power not put to use? It shrinks before the necessary force and fierceness of the fight. It follows for the most part therefore – though with ever greater mistrust – the petty bourgeois leaders who fear the social revolutionary character of the fight and satisfy themselves with sham actions. The German working class is in the same situation as the working classes of France during the long period of reaction after the fall of the Bastille. Great provocations and great dangers are needed for the German proletariat to learn this. The counter-revolutionary attacks may mean this provocation. The sham actions of the Social Democrats hinder the development of the energy of the masses. But they lead in spite of the wishes of the leaders to the mobilization of the masses.

The assassination of Walter Rathenau, German Minister for Foreign Affairs, has awakened German organized labor to the dangers threatening it. The following proclamation was issued during the protest general strike which paralyzed all Germany on June 27th, 1922. – The Ed.



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