A. Lozovsky

The Three Internationals and
the Trade Union United Front

(7 June 1922)


From International Press Correspondence, Vol. 2 No. 45, 7 June 1922, pp. 335–336.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.
Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2019). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.


The Conference of the three Internationals recently held in Berlin decided, among other things, to take steps for the restoration of the united front of the trade unions, i.e., to approach the Amsterdam International and the Red Trade Union International with the proposal to convene a conference of these two Internationals. This decision of the three Executive Committees is of great significance. We must keep in mind that although the Amsterdam International, formally, is completely independent of the Second International there exists between them a close organic connection. Three parties constitute the backbone of the Second International: the English Labour Party, the Belgian Labour Party and the German Social Democrats. In this connection it must be pointed out that it is just in these countries that the trade union organizations and the parties of the Second International form a working entity. The Labour Party was created by the English trade unions, and the Belgian trade unions directly represent a part of the Labour Party. Three-fifths of the trade union organizations of Germany are in the hands of the Social Democrats.

The largest organizations of the Second International are those organizations connected with the largest organizations of the Amsterdam International and if the former has spoken in favor of convening and international conference of the two trade Union Internationals, the Amsterdam International will hardly raise any difficulties in this respect. As for the Red Trade Union International it has already agreed to such a conference. The Red Trade Union International has several times expressed its readiness to meet with the representatives of the Amsterdam International for the purpose of solving practical and concrete tasks. Up to now however the Amsterdam International has sabotaged the proposal of the Red Trade Union International only because it considers itself much stronger than the Red Trade Union International and the leaders will not confess that throughout the whole of their organizations there exist strong minorities adhering to the Red Trade Union International.

Fimmen expressed himself to this effect in an interview that was recently published in the Berlin Vorwärts. Fimmen pointed out for the hundred and first time that it (the Amsterdam International) is in favor of the united front while this cannot be said of the Russian trade union organizations. Thereupon, without having spoken on the united front, he demanded guarantees and a proper attitude on our side. What guarantees does Fimmen desire to obtain from us? What shall we guarantees? Perhaps that we entirely fulfil the obligations entered into by us? In his capacity as secretary of the Amsterdam International Fimmen of course is in a position to make naive proposals. But in spite of this we can take for granted that this right will not be abused. We can calmly guarantee that we shall fulfil the obligations undertaken by us and can assure the Amsterdam International that we shall not remain behind it in the struggle against the bourgeoisie. As for ourselves we demand from the Amsterdam International no kind of further guarantee. For us action – the best guarantee – alone suffices. Words are worth little to us; we want singly and solely action.

The declaration of Fimmen appeared simultaneously with the Conference of the three Internationals.

It is true this declaration preceded the conference, but it was published by Fimmen with the intention of informing the conference of the three Internationals that he, Fimmen, would fight to the last and keep the flag of the Amsterdam International flying. We must, however disconcert citizen Fimmen a bit. In the same way as the Second International failed to succeed in persuading the Communist International to agree to its tactics, the Amsterdam International will fail in subjugating the Red Trade Union International. We declare openly and loyally with regard to the decisions of the three Internationals that we are prepared at any time it likes to enter into negotiations. We come to these negotiations with a definite practical program, i.e., we shall propose common practical measures, a common policy. These measures in the first place will have in view the counter-offensive against capital, and will have to work out forms and methods of the participation of the trade union organizations of all countries in the economic reconstruction of Soviet Russia. This concrete program an of course be augmented as the representatives of the Amsterdam International can also at any time put other questions on the agenda. We are prepared to enter into a discussion with them at any time, at any workers’ meeting, in any European city they like, upon the question of the two Internationals and their actual tactics, as well as those of Soviet Russia; the position of the Russian trade unions, etc. Who in no way refuse to debate all these questions in all their aspects before the working class if Western Europe. If the Amsterdam International agrees to it we are also prepared to do this before, at, and after the conference, but we are of the opinion that a conference at which just these questions which at present divide the international labor movement into two camps are discussed would terminate without result. It is our intention only to admit and debate such questions, on the basis of which the united front of workers of all tendencies is possible in the interests of common, concrete and practical action. It will depend solely upon the Amsterdam International what character the international deliberations take.

The international negotiations of the trade union organizations, however, can in no way be limited to the representatives of the Amsterdam International and the Red Trade Union International. There are a number of other organizations standing outside these two International groups. Some Anarcho-Syndicalist organizations have not yet formally affiliated to the Red Trade Union International; these of course must be invited as they are able to render extraordinarily valuable services in any action undertaken against the bourgeoisie. In the same way the Red Trade Union International would not oppose an invitation to the American Federation of Labor, in spite of the fact that its president Gompers has recently begun a campaign against the Russian Revolution. It is not the question of the personality of Gompers, whose case is hopeless, as he always was anti-Socialist, but of the American Federation workers. We should be in favor of an invitation being sent to the American proletariat to attend this conference and would attempt simply and solely to come to an agreement with it on the basis of practical questions.

Gompers is still attacking the Russian Revolution and praises the democratic splendor of his fatherland to the skies in spite of the fact that it cannot be denied that the offensive of capital is taking on its most acute form in highly lauded America. The employers' organizations are nuking fierce attacks upon the Left wing and reformist organizations of the workers alike. He who desires action must take his place in the united front. He who does not desire it will stand aside, but in spite of it the conference must extend the field of its activity.

The international conference of the representatives of the different trade union organizations would have been of greater importance if it had been convened during the Genoa conference, in order to demonstrate the unanimity and solidarity of the proletarian front in the face of the united bourgeoisie. The representatives of the Amsterdam International, however, did not want such a demonstration as this would have been as contrary to their plans and tactics as the proposals of the Communist International aiming at action would have foiled the plans of the Second International.

In spite of this, the Red Trade Union International is prepared to meet even after the Genoa Conference.

End as it may, one thing remains unshakably fast: the international offensive of the bourgeoisie lasted up to the Genoa Conference, proceeded during the Conference, and will not come to a standstill after it. In order to bring this offensive to a halt, in order to repel the attacking enemy and to break his strength we again declare our readiness to take part in any discussion or conference.

For this reason we answer the decision of the three Internationals upon the creation of a trade union united front with the assurance of our absolute readiness.



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