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From International Press Correspondence, Vol. I No. 12, 29 November 1921, pp. 95–96.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.
The last meeting of the Central Committee of the party was of exceptional significance. The attention of the Committee was focussed upon two questions which are decisive [for] the class struggle of Germany; these were the question of a workers’ government and the question of the tax and economic struggle In both of these questions, which are so closely interrelated, the Central Committee has after a most careful examination of facts and after a hot discussion indicated the ways and means which enable the party to apply the lever at every point where the action of the proletariat can effectively be advanced.
The starting point for the political as well as for the economic policies of the party is the question faced by the working masses as to whether they themselves or the property-owning class should bear the cost of the war. It became clear to the Central Committee that in the present situation of Germany, the above question necessarily involves the question of fundamental encroachments upon the field of production, and thereby into the class relations. The Communist Party looks upon the situation in the same realistic manner, in which high finance and the large business interests do. It knows that, today, the tax and financial problems cannot be solved through mere tax and financial measures, but that the economic foundations must be reached. Objectively put, the question resolves itself into, whether Stinnes & Co., the united big industrials and high finance, are to enslave and fleece the masses, whether they are to conquer the state and manage the industries as sole rulers, or whether the masses are to limit big capital in its extensive control, shift the burden of war debts to its shoulders, and finally set bounds to capitalist plundering and to its economic anarchy.
Only those phases of these question should be acted upon which had the action of the masses and of the working class behind them. It was valid to draw the conclusions from the fact, that on the one hand the majority of the German proletariat does not yet consciously steer towards the Communist goal, and that on the other hand the masses are driven forward by necessity, in the direction of Communism, as soon as they start out as a class in their advance against the bourgeoisie, for the protection of their interests. It was also natural to consider the next step in that direction.
The next step decided upon by the Central Committee was the levy on capital, that is the confiscation of capital in the form of property (the factories, the mines, the banks, the wholesale trade and large land-property). This was to be done by the state to the extent that the income of the working and middle classes would be free from the burden of taxation, and was to be carried out under the direct control of the workers and employees. The state was thus to become the co-owner of the capitalist industries, and was to make use of its co-ownership for the purpose of eliminating capitalist anarchy and waste, in order to incorporate the industries on a large scale.
Is it to be State capitalism?
Is it to be a state democracy in place of Stinnes and Thyssen? It is clear, that only the working class can bring about such an encroachment, and that it must enforce the control of the whole industrial and economic machine through its organs. No capitalist government and no coalition of capitalists and socialists will take these necessary steps. In the attempt to carry out these steps the question of capturing the positions of political power by the working class thus comes to the fore. The Central Committee was also outspoken on this question. It stated that under the presumption that the majority of the working class does not yet consciously strive to infringe upon the Capitalist-democratic state, its next consideration will be only a socialist or workers’ government as the instrument for carrying out these measures which are absolutely necessary to the life of the working class.
The attitude of the Central Committee in this question is dictated by the point of view that the party’s duty is to develop the greatest possible initiative, in order to lead the working class to the capturing of new positions of power.
The resolution, which was passed by a great majority of the Central Committee, and which deals with the political situation, describes the attitude of the party on the question of the socialist government, as follows:
“... These tasks of the party are at the same time the tasks of the working class as a whole, because of the growing misery, and the advances of capitalism. The KPD is at one with the broad masses outside the party, which are organizing a solid fighting front on an ever larger scale, in order to achieve their goal. The demonstration of the ADGB (General German Trade-Union Federation) for the levy on capital was brought about by the pressure of the masses against the Stinnes coalition and against enslavement by the bourgeoisie.”
The KPD will use all its influence in order to mobilize every worker in this fight, and to prevent the inevitable conflicts between capital and labor from being smoke-screened.
The successful termination of this struggle for the working class is not possible under a Stinnes government, nor under any other capitalist government. The fight against the Stinnes coalition must therefore be led by the party at every stage, through mass demonstrations, mass strikes and through the dissolution of the Reichstag, etc. if possible.
The attitude of the Communists towards a new government (socialist government or a workers’ government) which may possibly arise out of such parliamentary and extra-parliamentary struggle, will depend upon the political situation as a whole, and upon the political problems which such a government would undertake.
The KPD leaves no doubt as to its readiness to support with all its power any socialist government which will aim at carrying out the demands put by the masses; it will also support with all its power every step of a truly proletarian policy. The party will concentrate every bit of energy to drive the socialist government forward in the interests of the proletariat, through mobilization of the masses. In the course of the struggle between labor and capital which will become more and more bitter, this must lead to the shattering of the parliamentary limits.
Such a development is based upon the presumption that the whole working class outside of Parliament will take up the fight for its demands. It is only in this struggle that an united front of the working masses can be realized.
After the highest organ of the party has thus clearly defined its position, the socialist parties and labor organizations can no longer sidestep the issue. The Independent Socialist and Majority Socialist workers now know that they can count upon the full support of the Communist Party in their conquest of new positions of power for the working class, and that as soon as they decide to establish a Socialist government, they will have the Communists on their side.
Finally, the Central Committee took a definite stand on the question of socialist cooperation. It emphasized that everyone who sincerely wishes to work with the party will be given every possible opportunity to do so, but that the party will be ruthless in its fight against all elements which are working for the dissolution of the party or which are trying to lead the party into centrist ways. The Central Committee in no way overestimates the value of the Kommunistische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (Bloc Levi). It sees in it, however, a factor which makes the contact of the party with the masses outside of it difficult.
The tactical discussions of the Central Committee turned upon the parts played by “state capitalism”, and by the “socialist government”. We consider the fact that the differences of opinion were openly expressed very advantageous.
The session of the Central Committee is an important step in the direction indicated by the Third International Congress and by the Convention at Jena. The actual results achieved by it just as effectively destroy the legend of the “anarchistic” as well as of the “opportunistic” character of our party.
The party has found in serious discussions a way for our present-day struggles. The Central Committee has shown to every one who only wants to see, that since Jena, the party has advanced with a united front.
Now the party will advance forward as an unit!
Last updated on 10 January 2019