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The ‘Emancipation of Labour’ Group has set itself the aim of propagating socialist ideas in Russia and developing the foundations for the organisation of a Russian socialist workers’ party.
The essence of its views can be expressed in the following few propositions [1]:
I. The economic emancipation of the working class will be achieved only through the transfer of all means and products of production to the collective ownership of the working people, and through the organisation of all functions of socio-economic life in accordance with social needs.
II. The present-day development of technology in civilised societies not only provides the material means for such an organisation, but also renders it necessary and inevitable for the resolution of the contradictions that hinder the peaceful and comprehensive development of these societies.
III, This radical economic revolution will bring about the most fundamental changes in the entire structure of social and international relations.
By eliminating the class struggle – through the abolition of classes themselves; by rendering the economic struggle between individuals impossible and unnecessary – through the abolition of commodity production and the competition associated with it; in short, by eliminating the struggle for existence between individuals, classes and entire societies, it renders superfluous all those social institutions which have developed over the centuries-long period of this struggle for existence as its instruments.
Without indulging in utopian fantasies regarding the future organisation of society and international relations, it is already possible to foresee the abolition of the most important of the institutions of chronic struggle within societies – namely, the state, as a political organisation opposed to society and safeguarding, primarily the interests of its ruling class. In the same way, it is already possible to foresee the international character of the impending economic revolution. The present-day development of the international exchange of goods makes the participation of all civilised societies in this revolution a necessity.
Therefore, the socialist parties of all countries recognise the international character of the modern labour movement and proclaim the principles of international solidarity amongst producers.
The ‘Emancipation of Labour’ Group also recognises the great principles of the former ‘International Workingmen’s Association’ and the commonality of interests among the working people of the entire civilised world.
IV. By introducing consciousness where blind economic necessity currently reigns, and by replacing the present domination of the product over the producer with the domination of the producer over the product, the socialist revolution simplifies and gives meaning to all social relations, whilst at the same time providing every citizen with a real opportunity to participate directly in the discussion and resolution of all public affairs.
This direct participation of citizens in the management of all public affairs presupposes the abolition of the present system of political representation and its replacement by direct popular legislation.
In their present-day struggle, socialists must bear in mind this necessary political reform and strive to bring it about by all means at their disposal.
This is all the more necessary given that the political self-education and dominance of the working class constitute a necessary precondition for its economic emancipation. Only a fully democratic state can bring about an economic transformation that is in line with the interests of the producers and requires their meaningful participation in the organisation and regulation of production.
At present, the working class in the most advanced countries is becoming increasingly aware of the necessity of this socio-political revolution and is organising itself into a distinct labour party, hostile to all parties of the exploiters.
Based on the principles of the ‘International Workingmen’s Association’, this organisation nevertheless has as its primary aim the conquest by the workers of political supremacy within each of the respective states. ‘The proletariat of each country must, naturally, first and foremost do away with its own bourgeoisie’.
This introduces an element of diversity into the programmes of the socialist parties of different states, compelling each of them to adapt to the social conditions of their own country.
It goes without saying that the practical tasks, and consequently the programmes of the socialists, must be of a more distinctive and complex nature in those countries in which capitalist production has not yet become dominant and where the toiling masses are under the double yoke of developing capitalism and a moribund patriarchal economy.
In these countries, socialists must simultaneously organise the working class to fight against the bourgeoisie and wage a struggle against the remnants of the old, pre-bourgeois social relations.
Russian socialists find themselves precisely in this position. The working population of Russia bears directly upon itself the full weight of the enormous machinery of the police-despotic state and, at the same time, suffers all the miseries characteristic of the era of capitalist accumulation, and in some places – in our industrial centres – it is already experiencing the oppression of capitalist production, which is as yet unchecked by any decisive state intervention or by organised resistance on the part of the workers themselves. Modern Russia suffers – as Marx once said of the western part of the European continent – not only from the development of capitalist production, but also from the lack of such development.
One of the most harmful consequences of this backward state of production has been, and remains to this day, the underdeveloped state of the middle class, which in our country is incapable of taking the initiative in the struggle against absolutism.
The socialist intelligentsia was compelled, therefore, take the lead in the modern liberation movement, the immediate aim of which must be the establishment of free political institutions in our country; in doing so, the socialists, for their part, must endeavour to provide the working class with the opportunity for active and fruitful participation in the future political life of Russia.
The first means of achieving this aim must be to campaign in favour of a democratic constitution guaranteeing:
But this goal will remain unattained, and political self-organisation among the workers will be unthinkable, if the fall of absolutism finds them in a completely unprepared and disorganised state.
Therefore, it is the duty of the socialist intelligentsia to organise the workers and, as far as possible, prepare them for the struggle, both against the present system of government and against future bourgeois parties.
It must immediately set about organising the workers in our industrial centres, as the vanguard of the entire working population of Russia, into interconnected secret circles with a defined socio-political programme corresponding to the current needs of the entire Russian working class and the fundamental tasks of socialism.
Recognising that the details of such a programme can only be worked out in the future, and indeed by the working class itself – which is called upon to participate in political life and has united into a distinct party – the ‘Emancipation of Labour’ Group considers that the main points of economic section the workers’ programme should be the following demands:
The ‘Emancipation of Labour’ Group is convinced that not only the success but also the very possibility of such a meaningful movement of the Russian working class depends to a very large extent on the work of the intelligentsia within its ranks, as outlined above.
However, the group believes that the intelligentsia itself must first adopt the viewpoint of modern scientific socialism, retaining Narodnik traditions only insofar as they do not contradict its tenets.
With this in mind, the ‘Emancipation of Labour’ Group has set itself the aim of propagating modern socialism in Russia and preparing the working class for a conscious socio-political movement; to this end it devotes all its energies, calling upon our revolutionary youth to offer their help and support.
Whilst pursuing this aim by all means at its disposal, the ‘Emancipation of Labour’ group at the same time recognises the necessity of a terrorist struggle against the absolute government and differs from the ‘People’s Volya’ party only on the issues of the so-called seizure of power by a revolutionary party and the tasks of the socialists’ direct activity amongst the working class.
The ‘Emancipation of Labour’ Group by no means ignores the peasantry, which constitutes the vast majority of Russia’s working population. However, it believes that the work of the intelligentsia, particularly under the present conditions of socio-political struggle, must first be directed towards the more developed section of this population, namely the industrial workers. Having secured strong support from this section of the population, the socialist intelligentsia can, with far greater hope of success, extend its influence to the peasantry, particularly if it has by that time secured freedom of agitation and propaganda. It goes without saying, however, that the distribution of our socialists’ efforts will have to change if an independent revolutionary movement emerges amongst the peasantry, and that even at present, those in direct contact with the peasantry could, through their activities amongst them, render an important service to the socialist movement in Russia. The ‘Emancipation of Labour’ group not only does not alienate such people, but endeavours to reach agreement with them on the fundamental tenets of the programme.
1. The programme we are submitting for the comrades’ consideration is by no means regarded by us as something entirely complete, not subject to any specific amendments or additions. On the contrary, we are prepared to make any amendments to it, provided they do not contradict the fundamental principles of scientific socialism and are consistent with the practical conclusions derived from these principles regarding the activities of socialists in Russia.
2. Such actions may include, for example, vote-buying during elections, flagrant oppression of workers by their employers, and so on.
3. This point is logically encompassed by Paragraph 4, which requires, amongst other things, complete freedom of conscience; but we consider it necessary to emphasise it in view of the fact that there are now entire sections of the population in our country, such as the Jews, who do not even enjoy those paltry ‘rights’ granted to other ‘citizens’.
Last updated on 11 October 2026