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David Ryazanov

G.V. Plekhanov and the
‘Emancipation of Labour’ group

Appendix II

IV. Draft Programme of the Russian Social Democrats [1]

Russian Social Democrats, like Social Democrats in other countries, strive for the complete liberation of labour from the oppression of capital. Such liberation can be achieved through the transition to public ownership of the means and objects of production, a transition which will entail:

  1. the abolition of modern commodity production (i.e. the buying and selling of products on the market), and
  2. its replacement by a new system of social production organised according to a pre-established plan, with a view to satisfying the needs of both society as a whole and each of its members, within the limits permitted by the state of the productive forces at any given time.

This communist revolution will bring about the most fundamental changes in the entire structure of social and international relations.

By replacing the present domination of the product over the producer – with the domination of the producer over the product – it will introduce consciousness where blind economic necessity now reigns; by simplifying and giving meaning to all social relations, it will at the same time provide every citizen with a real economic opportunity to participate directly in the discussion and resolution of all public affairs.

This direct participation of citizens in the management of public affairs presupposes the abolition of the present system of political representation and its replacement by direct popular legislation.

Furthermore, the international character of the impending economic revolution can already be foreseen. Given the current development of international trade, the consolidation of this revolution is possible only with the participation of all, or at least several, civilised societies. Hence arises the solidarity of interests among producers in all countries, a principle recognised and proclaimed as long ago as by the International Workingmen’s Association.

But since the emancipation of the workers must be the work of the workers themselves, since the interests of labour as a whole are diametrically opposed to those of the exploiters, and since, for this reason, the ruling classes will always oppose this reorganisation of social relations, – the inevitable prerequisite for this is the seizure of political power by the working class in each of the countries concerned. Only this temporary domination by the working class can paralyse the efforts of the counter-revolutionaries and put an end to the existence of classes and their struggle.

This political task introduces an element of diversity into the programmes of the Social Democrats of various states, in accordance with the social conditions of each of them individually.

The practical tasks, and consequently the programmes of the Social Democrats, must naturally be of a more complex nature in those countries where modern capitalist production is still striving to become dominant and where the working masses are under the double yoke of developing capitalism and a moribund patriarchal economy. In such countries, the Social Democrats must strive, as transitional stages, for those forms of social organisation which already exist in the advanced countries and are necessary for the further development of the workers’ party. Russia finds itself precisely in this position. Capitalism has made enormous strides there since the days of serfdom. The old system of subsistence farming is giving way to commodity production and is thereby opening up a vast domestic market for large-scale industry. Patriarchal, communal forms of peasant land ownership are rapidly disintegrating; the commune is being transformed into a mere means of binding the peasant population to the state, whilst in many localities it also serves as an instrument for the exploitation of poor commune members by the rich. At the same time, by tying the interests of a vast proportion of producers to the land, it hinders their intellectual and political development, confining their horizons to the narrow bounds of village traditions. The Russian revolutionary movement, the triumph of which would primarily benefit the peasantry, finds almost no support, sympathy or understanding amongst them. The mainstay of absolutism lies precisely in the political indifference and intellectual backwardness of the peasantry. An inevitable consequence of this is the powerlessness and timidity of those educated sections of the upper classes whose material and intellectual interests are at odds with the modern political system. Raising their voices in the name of the people, they are surprised to find that the people are indifferent to their appeals. Hence the instability of political views, and at times the despondency and utter disillusionment of our intelligentsia.

This state of affairs would be utterly hopeless were it not for the fact that the aforementioned changes in Russian economic relations are creating new opportunities for success for those defending the interests of the working class. The breakdown of the community is giving rise to a new class of industrial proletariat amongst us. More receptive, agile and educated, this class responds more readily to the call of the revolutionaries than the backward agricultural population. Meanwhile, as the ideal of communal life recedes into the past, in those conditions of patriarchal economy – the necessary political complement to which was tsarist autocracy – the lot of the industrial worker can be improved only through the development of the newest, freer forms of social organisation. Through this class, our people are for the first time entering into economic conditions common to all civilised nations; and therefore, it is only through this class that they can take part in the progressive aspirations of civilised humanity. On this basis, the Russian Social Democrats regard the formation of a revolutionary workers’ party as their first and foremost duty. The growth and development of such a party will, however, encounter a very powerful obstacle in contemporary Russian absolutism.

Therefore, the struggle against it is imperative even for those workers’ circles which now constitute the embryonic form of the future Russian workers’ party. The overthrow of absolutism must be their primary political task.

The Russian Social Democrats regard agitation amongst the working class and the further spread of socialist ideas and revolutionary organisations within it as the main means of the political struggle waged by workers’ circles against absolutism. Closely linked together as a single whole, these organisations, not content with isolated clashes with the government, will not hesitate to move, at the opportune moment, to a general, decisive assault upon it, and in doing so will not shy away from so-called terrorist acts if this proves necessary in the interests of the struggle.

The aim of the Labour Party’s struggle against absolutism is to secure a democratic constitution guaranteeing:

  1. A salary for elected representatives, as determined by law, enabling them to be elected from among the poorer sections of the population.
  2. Universal, secular, free and compulsory education, whereby the state must provide poor children with food, clothing and educational materials.
  3. The inviolability of the person and the home of citizens.
  4. Unrestricted freedom of conscience, speech, the press, assembly and association.
  5. Freedom of movement and occupation.
  6. Full equality of all citizens, regardless of religion or ethnic origin.
  7. The replacement of a standing army with the universal arming of the people.
  8. A review of all our civil and criminal legislation, and the abolition of class distinctions and punishments incompatible with human dignity.

Building on these fundamental political demands, the Labour Party puts forward a number of immediate economic demands, such as:

  1. A radical overhaul of our agrarian relations, that is, the conditions for the purchase of land and its allocation to peasant communities. Granting the right to refuse an allotment and to leave the community to those peasants who find it convenient to do so, and so on.
  2. The abolition of the current tax system and the introduction of a progressive income tax.
  3. Legislative regulation of the relations between workers (urban and rural) and employers, and the organisation of a corresponding inspectorate with worker representation.

  4. State support for productive associations organised across all branches of agriculture, the extractive and manufacturing industries (by peasants, miners, factory and plant workers, artisans, etc.).

These demands are just as favourable to the interests of the peasantry as they are to those of industrial workers; therefore, by striving to bring them about, the Labour Party will pave the way for closer ties with the agricultural population. Driven out of the village as an impoverished member of the community, the proletarian will return to it as a Social-Democratic agitator. His appearance in this role will alter the community’s currently hopeless fate. Its decay is inevitable only until such time as this very decay gives rise to a new popular force capable of putting an end to the reign of capitalism. Such a force will be the Labour Party and the poorest section of the peasantry drawn to it.

*

Note

1. First published as an appendix to the pamphlet What Do the Social Democrats Want?, Geneva 1888. Compiled in 1887.

 

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Last updated on 11 October 2026