5.

Paris Congress, September 23–27, 1900

Introductory Note

The Second International’s 1900 congress in Paris was attended by almost 1,400 delegates (over 1,000 from France alone) from twenty-one countries.

Since the previous congress four years earlier, the political divisions within the world socialist and labor movement had sharpened considerably, highlighted by two controversies.

The first involved Eduard Bernstein, a follower and collaborator of Marx and Engels when they were alive. In the late 1890s, however, Bernstein became increasingly critical of Marxism’s political conclusions; these criticisms were codified in his 1899 book, Evolutionary Socialism. In this work, Bernstein openly rejected the revolutionary aims of the socialist movement. In his words, “The ultimate aim of socialism is nothing, but the movement is everything.”^[1] Furthermore, Bernstein expressed the opinion that revolution was no longer a strategic necessity, as he believed that capitalism had acquired the potential to ameliorate or eliminate the contradictions and crises that Marx and Engels had pointed to. The perspective Bernstein outlined came to be known within the socialist movement as “revisionism.”

Bernstein’s challenge found an echo in some sectors of the socialist movement, giving rise to sharp polemics and debates, as many prominent socialists forcefully defended Marxism’s revolutionary foundations. In October 1899 a congress of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) formally condemned Bernstein’s views by a vote of 216 to 21. The lopsidedness of that vote, however, did not reflect the real support for Bernstein’s views within the SPD. Many members and officials supported some of the conclusions reached by Bernstein, but were reluctant to express those opinions openly.

The second controversy concerned Alexandre Millerand, a member of the Independent Socialist group in the French parliament. In June 1899 Millerand accepted a position in the capitalist government of France as minister of commerce. This move led to a wide-ranging debate in the working-class movement, given that socialists had always rejected accepting posts in capitalist governments.

The Millerand affair gave rise to the main debate at the 1900 Paris Congress.

Karl Kautsky presented a resolution that condemned socialist participation in capitalist governments under “normal” circumstances, but left the door open to it under “exceptional” ones. “If in some special instance the political situation necessitates this dangerous expedient,” Kautsky’s resolution stated, “that is a question of tactics and not of principle.” The intention of Kautsky in making this motion, as he subsequently declared, was to defend a revolutionary perspective while seeking socialist unity.^[2]

Counterposed to the Kautsky resolution was one put forward by Enrico Ferri and Jules Guesde, opposing such participation under all circumstances. That resolution can be found in the appendix.)A long debate on this question took place in a commission and on the floor of the congress itself. At the debate’s conclusion, the Kautsky resolution received 29 votes, against 9 for the Guesde-Ferri resolution.

Nevertheless, the ambiguities of the Kautsky resolution, and the dissatisfaction it engendered, meant that the question would inevitably come up again. It did so at the next international congress in 1904, where the conclusions of the Guesde-Ferri resolution were largely accepted, eliminating the “exceptional circumstances” clause.

The key organizational decision of the Paris Congress was the creation of the International Socialist Bureau (ISB) as the executive leadership body of the Second International, as had been urged at the 1896 congress. Prior to 1900, the Second International functioned solely as a loose association that met in congresses every two to four years, with no powers to implement decisions or even share information. After 1900 the ISB, based in Brussels, functioned as a center for correspondence and information, responsible for maintaining liaison between parties, making technical preparations, and setting agendas for congresses.

Also established by the congress was an Interparliamentary Committee, consisting of socialist deputies in parliament, in order “to facilitate common action on the big international political and economic questions.”

* * *

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION

Resolution of the First Commission, presented to the congress by Hendrick Van Kol. The resolution outlined the structure and tasks of the International Socialist Bureau that was being formed.

I

The International Socialist Congress of Paris:

Considering that international congresses, which will become the parliament of the proletariat, should pass resolutions that guide the proletariat in its struggle;

Considering that these resolutions, a result of international agreement, should be translated into acts;

Decides to take the following steps:

1. An organizing committee shall be selected as soon as possible by the socialist organizations of the country where the next congress is to be held.

2. A permanent international committee, having two delegates for each country, shall be formed, and shall have charge of the necessary funds. It shall settle the agenda, and shall call for reports from each nationality adhering to the congress.

3. This committee shall appoint a paid general secretary, who shall:

(a) Obtain the necessary information.

(b) Draw up a code explaining the resolutions taken at previous congresses.

(d) Draw up a summary of the reports discussed at the congress.

(e) Publish from time to time pamphlets and manifestos on pressing questions, as well as on important reforms and studies on important political and economic questions.

(f) Take necessary means to improve the action and the international organization of the proletariat in every country.

The permanent international committee and the secretary-general will be based in Brussels.

II

The International Socialist Committee will require socialist members of parliament in each country to form a special interparliamentary commission to facilitate common action on the big international political and economic questions. This commission will be assisted by the International Socialist Committee.

III

The international secretariat based in Brussels will be charged with creating an archive of international socialism, composed of books, documents, and reports concerning the workers’ movement in different countries.

* * *

WORKDAY LIMITS AND MINIMUM WAGE

Resolution of the Second Commission, presented to the congress by Emmanuel Wurm from Germany and Charles Gheude from Belgium.

I

The Congress, in accordance with the decision of previous international congresses, considers that the limitation of the working day must continue to be the object of ceaseless efforts by all workers, and declares that the daily duration of labor must be fixed by law at the provisional maximum of eight hours for workers of all countries and all industries.

It therefore urges working-class organizations to pursue this object by persistent and escalating agitation and by united trade union and political action.

II

The Congress declares that a minimum wage is possible only where it can be set by well-organized trade unions; that this minimum cannot be the same for all countries, but depends on local conditions.

It urges workers to seek the achievement of this reform by using the most practical and appropriate means, based on the economic and industrial condition of each region, as well as its political and administrative situation.

It recommends, as a first step in obtaining this demand, that governments and public bodies should be pressed to establish a minimum wage to be paid directly by the public authority, or else by entrepreneurs doing business with it.

* * *

EMANCIPATION OF LABOR AND EXPROPRIATION OF THE BOURGEOISIE

Resolution of the Third Commission, presented to the congress by Wilhelm Ellenbogen and adopted unanimously.

I

The modern proletariat is the necessary result of the capitalist system of production, which requires the political and economic exploitation of labor by capital.

Its elevation and emancipation can be realized only by entering into antagonism with the defenders of the interests of capitalism, which by its very constitution must lead inevitably to the socialization of the means of production.

Facing the capitalist class, the proletariat must therefore present itself as a fighting class.

Socialism, which has been given the task of constituting the proletariat into an army for this class war, has for its duty, above all, to awaken in it by careful, incessant, and methodical propaganda the consciousness of its own interests and strength, and to use for this objective all the means that the existing political and social situation may place in its hands, and that its higher conception of justice may suggest.

Among these means the Congress suggests political action, universal suffrage, the organization of the proletariat into political groups, trade unions, cooperative societies, mutual assistance societies, circles of art and education, etc. It urges the active socialist movement to do everything possible to combine these means of struggle and education that augment the power of the working class, and will render it capable of expropriating the bourgeoisie, both politically and economically, and of socializing the means of production.

II

The socialists of all countries undertake to use every means in their power to secure for the foreign workers in their respective countries the same right of combination as is possessed by the inhabitants themselves.

* * *

THE FIGHT AGAINST MILITARISM AND WAR

The first part of this resolution was presented to the congress by Rosa Luxemburg on behalf of the Fourth Commission. The second part was presented to the congress by Clara Zetkin. Both parts were adopted unanimously.

I

Referring to the resolutions of the international socialist congresses of Paris in 1889, Brussels in 1891, and London in 1898, which condemned militarism as one of the most disastrous results of the capitalist system and called for the abolition of standing armies, the establishment of international courts of arbitration, and the decision on war and peace to be made by the people;

Considering further that the events that have occurred since the last international congress have made clear how much the political achievements of the proletariat up to the present, as well as the entire peaceful and normal development of contemporary society, are threatened by militarism, especially in its latest form as world politics;

Considering finally that this policy of expansion and colonial plunder—as the crusade against China shows us—unleashes international jealousies and frictions that threaten to transform war into a permanent state, the economic, political, and moral costs of which the proletariat alone would have to bear,

The congress declares:

1. That it is necessary for the workers’ party in every country to oppose militarism and colonial policy with redoubled vigour and energy.

2. That above all it is absolutely necessary to respond to the global political alliance of the bourgeoisies and governments for the perpetuation of war with an alliance of the proletariat of all countries for the perpetuation of peace, i.e., to pass from more or less platonic demonstrations of international solidarity in the political field to energetic international action, to the common struggle against militarism and world politics.

The Congress resolves, as a practical means to this end:

1. That socialist parties everywhere must undertake and pursue the education and organisation of youth for the purpose of combating militarism.

2. That socialist representatives in all parliaments are unconditionally obliged to vote against every expenditure on militarism, navalism, or colonial expeditions.

3. That the Permanent International Socialist Commission be instructed to launch a simultaneous and uniform campaign against militarism in all countries on all appropriate occasions of international scope.

The Congress protests against so-called peace conferences, such as the one in The Hague, which in today's society are nothing but deception and fraud, as the last war in the Transvaal demonstrated once again.

II

1. The Paris Congress condemns the savage policy of oppression of Russian tsarism towards the Polish and Finnish peoples,^[3] and urges the proletarians of all nationalities suffering under the yoke of absolute rule to unite for the common struggle against the common enemy of democracy and socialism.

2. The Congress condemns the atrocities of the British government against the Boers of South Africa.^[4]

3. The Congress again affirms its belief in the sympathetic and fraternal feelings that should unite all nations, and denounces the misrule, cruelty, and massacres in Armenia. It also condemns the criminal complicity of the various capitalist governments, and urges socialist parliamentary deputies to intervene on behalf of the cruelly oppressed Armenian people, to whom the Congress gives its ardent solidarity.^[5]

* * *

COLONIAL POLICY

Resolution of the Fifth Commission, presented to the congress by Hendrick Van Kol.

The International Socialist Congress held in Paris in 1900:

Considering that the development of capitalism leads inevitably to colonial expansion, a cause of conflicts between governments;

Considering that imperialism, which results therefrom, excites chauvinism in all countries, and forces ever-increasing expenditures to the profit of militarism;

Considering that the colonial policy of the bourgeoisie has no other object than to increase the profits of the capitalist class and to maintain the existence of the capitalist system, while sapping the lifeblood and exhausting the resources of the proletariat, and by committing innumerable crimes and cruelties towards the indigenous races of the colonies conquered by armed force;

The Congress declares:

That the organized proletariat ought to use all the means in its power to combat colonial expansion of the bourgeoisie, and to expose categorically and vehemently the injustices and cruelties that inevitably spring from it in all parts of the world, given up to the greed of a shameless and remorseless capitalism.

With this end in view, the Congress specifies more specifically the following steps:

1. That the various socialist parties apply themselves to the study of the colonial question wherever the economic conditions admit it.

2. To especially encourage the formation of colonial socialist parties affiliated to organizations in the metropolitan countries.

3. To create friendly relations between the socialist parties of different colonies.

* * *

ORGANIZATION OF MARITIME WORKERS

Resolution of the Sixth Commission, presented by Albert Störmer from Germany and adopted unanimously.

The members of the commission considered the organization of maritime workers in the broadest sense, as involving not just sailors at sea, but also workers on the docks.

Based on the nature of their employment, these two sectors of workers are most directly in contact with other countries, with wages paid by other sectors or branches of industry. For this reason, the commission was aware that the organization of these workers, and resolving their most immediate grievances through legislation, should receive the attention of socialist parties united internationally.

The poor conditions facing these two sectors of workers on the job do not need to be listed here; they are known by all. At the same time, it is necessary to show that the bourgeois parties of all countries have done nothing to remedy the ills.

Given that special laws concerning the merchant marine exist in all countries, the commission felt that it is the special duty of organized socialist parties, as long as capitalism lasts, to see to it that all the laws on work in this industry are fully complied with.

At the same time, the commission was aware that sailors need to organize in unions and political groups, recognize the class struggle, and utilize their votes to obtain socialist representatives who will not stop fighting for their interests.

Recognizing the special difficulties of fully organizing sailors, the congress should insist that all trade unions and socialist parties help sailors to organize. Within their countries, there should not be separate organizations for sailors, but rather dockworkers’ unions should seek to recruit them.

The immediate demands of sailors, for which parliaments should be pressed to act, are the following:

1. All private offices for the hiring of sailors should be abolished, and these offices should be free at all ports—i.e., no fees should be levied— and they should be under the control of workers’ organizations.

2. Hotels for sailors should be established under the combined control of trade unions and municipal authorities, but the sailors should not be influenced in any way.

3. Special courts should be established, some of the judges being workers, so that disputes arising during the voyage may be settled. The power of punishment given to officers at sea should be curtailed.

4. A maximum number of hours constituting a working day should be set, and all extra work paid for as overtime. Only indispensable work shall be done on Sundays and holidays.

5. Compensation shall be paid for injuries received by sailors when at sea; in cases of death, dependents of the deceased shall be provided for. 6. There shall be a minimum wage for sailors.

7. Laws are necessary assuring complete and impartial inspection, with a view toward preventing accidents. Suitable provisions will be adopted for all those at sea. Ships shall be fully staffed, with consideration given to knowledge of languages, so that sailors can understand commands.

8. Laws are needed concerning food and sleeping accommodations, and especially sanitary and hygienic precautions. 9. No sailor shall be allowed to be hired outside of the laws and regulations affecting him.

10. A sufficient number of inspectors shall be named, assigned to visit each and every ship at port, having the powers necessary to detain all ships lacking satisfactory conditions and in which laws would be violated in any fashion.

As to dockworkers, we recommend:

1. Compensation shall be paid in all cases of accidents. No insurance premium will be paid out by workers for this; that is the responsibility of employers, whether on the docks or at sea.

2. All gear and machinery shall be periodically inspected so as to prevent accidents.

3. Wages shall never be paid in public houses or registry offices.

4. A labor bureau shall be established at every port for the hiring of workers.

5. There shall be a maximum number of hours and a minimum wage. Higher wages shall be paid for night and Sunday work.

In order to accomplish these goals, the Congress recommends that all sailors and dockworkers join the International Federation of Dock Workers, through which they will be in continuous contact, and will be in a position to take group action to fight for their demands.^[6]

* * *

UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE AND POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY

Resolution of the Seventh Commission, presented to the congress by Engelbert Pernerstorfer.

1. Universal, direct, and secret suffrage is for workers’ democracy one of the essential means of obtaining political and social emancipation.

2. In cases where peoples are deprived of parliamentary representation, or where this representation does not yet rest on any principles, the Congress urges them to struggle for the conquest and full application of universal suffrage.

The Congress considers the fight for the introduction of universal suffrage, as well as the exercise of this right, to be one of the most effective means of education of the proletariat in public life.

3. The Congress considers that men and women have equal rights, and is in favor of universal suffrage for both sexes.

4. Where universal suffrage exists, the Congress declares that the duty of socialists is to advocate for the application of proportional representation.

5. The Congress is in favor of popular initiatives and referenda, as it considers that the people are sovereign and that direct legislation by the people is an attribute of that sovereignty.

6. The Congress considers that the struggle for the improvement of universal suffrage is one of the best means of educating the masses intellectually and morally, so that they may obtain permanent political and economic sovereignty and may thus be prepared for governing the socialist state of the future.

* * *

MUNICIPAL SOCIALISM

Resolution of the Eighth Commission, presented to the congress by Émile Vinck.

Whereas the term “municipal socialism” does not signify a special kind of socialism, but simply the application of the general principles of socialism to a particular department of political activity;^[7]

Whereas reforms connected therewith are not and cannot be put forward as the realization of the collectivist society, but are put forward as playing a part in a sphere of action that socialists can and should seize upon in order to prepare and facilitate the coming of the collectivist society;

Whereas the municipality can become an excellent laboratory of decentralized economic activity, and at the same time a formidable political fortress for the use of local socialist majorities against the bourgeois majority of the central power, once substantial autonomous powers have been obtained;

The Congress declares:

That it is the duty of all socialists, without misunderstanding the importance of the wider political issues, to make clear to all the value of municipal activity, to recognize in all municipal reforms the importance that attaches to them as “embryos of the collectivist society,” and to endeavor to municipalize such public services as the urban transport service, education, shops, bakeries, medical assistance, hospitals, water supply, baths and washhouses, the food supply and clothing, dwellings for the people, power supply, public works, the police force, etc., etc., to see that these public services shall be model services as much from the point of view of the interests of the community as from that of the citizens who serve it;

That the local bodies which are not large enough to undertake themselves any of these reforms should federate with one another for such purposes;

That in countries where the political system does not allow municipalities to adopt this course, it is the duty of socialists serving on such bodies to endeavor to obtain for municipal authorities sufficient liberty and independence to obtain these reforms.

The Congress further decides that the time has come to convene an international congress of socialist municipal councilors.

Such a congress should have a double purpose:

(a) To make publicly known what reforms have been secured in the area of municipal administration, and what moral and financial advantages have resulted.

(b) To establish a national bureau in each country and an international bureau, entrusted with the task of collecting all the information and documents relating to municipal life, so as to facilitate the study of municipal questions.^[8]

The Congress also decides that the business of convening this socialist municipal congress shall be left in the hands of the permanent international bureau.

* * *

SOCIALISTS IN PUBLIC OFFICE AND ALLIANCES WITH BOURGEOIS PARTIES (KAUTSKY RESOLUTION)

Resolution of the Ninth Commission, drafted by Karl Kautsky and known generally as the “Kautsky resolution.” Reports to the congress were made by .mile Vandervelde for the commission majority and Enrico Ferri for the commission minority, which had presented a motion by Ferri and Jules Guesde. (For the text of the Guesde-Ferri resolution, see the appendix, page 150.) The Kautsky resolution was adopted by a vote of 24 to 4 in the commission, and 29 to 9 by the full congress. The main conclusions of the Guesde-Ferri resolution regarding socialist participation in capitalist governments, however, were largely accepted by the 1904 Amsterdam Congress, eliminating the Kautsky resolution’s “exceptional circumstances” clause.

I

In a modern democratic state the conquest of political power by the proletariat cannot be effected by a coup de main, but must be the result of a long and toilsome work of proletarian organization, political and economic, of the physical and moral regeneration of the working class, and of the gradual conquest of municipal and legislative assemblies.

But in a country where governmental power is centralized, it cannot be conquered in a fragmentary manner.

The entry of an isolated socialist into a bourgeois government cannot be regarded as the normal commencement of the conquest of political power, but only as a compulsory expedient, transitory and exceptional.

If in some special instance the political situation necessitates this dangerous expedient, that is a question of tactics and not of principle; the International Congress is not called upon to pronounce on that point. But in any case, the entry of a socialist into a bourgeois government affords no hope of good results for the militant proletariat unless the great majority of the Socialist Party approves of this step and the socialist minister remains the delegate of his party.

In the contrary case, in which such a minister becomes independent of the party or represents only a section of it, his intervention in a bourgeois ministry threatens disorganization and confusion to the militant proletariat, threatens to weaken rather than to strengthen it, and hinders rather than advances the proletarian conquest of public powers.

In any case, the Congress is of the opinion that, even in the most exceptional circumstances, a socialist ought to quit the ministry whenever the latter gives any proof of partiality in the struggle between capital and labor. No minister delegated by the Socialist Party can continue to participate in the government if the party concludes that this government has not observed absolute impartiality in the relations between capital and labor.

II

The Congress reasserts that the class struggle forbids all alliances with any fraction whatever of the capitalist class.

Even admitting that exceptional circumstances may sometimes render coalitions necessary (without confusion of party or tactics), these coalitions, which the party should seek to reduce to the smallest possible number until they entirely disappear, must not be permitted except insofar as their necessity is recognized by the district or national organization to which the groups concerned belong.

* * *

THE FIRST OF MAY

Resolution of the Tenth Commission, presented to the congress by Theodor Bömelburg.

The Congress adheres to the decisions taken by previous congresses as to the demonstrations on the First of May; it considers that these actions are evidence of a desire for an eight-hour day, and that taking off work on this day is the most effective form of demonstration.

* * *

TRUSTS

Resolution of the Eleventh Commission, presented to the congress by F. M. Wibaut and adopted unanimously.

Partial trusts are coalitions of owners of industry and commerce, formed to increase their profits.

These coalitions are the inevitable consequence of competition in a system of production and of distribution whose aim is not production as such, but exclusively to obtain profits for the owners. The growth of the means of production creates ways of obtaining a greater mass of products than is possible to be sold. Since competition tends to diminish profits, it is inevitable that under the present system every effort should be made to eliminate competition and for the owners to come to an agreement among themselves. In this way trusts are inevitable. Trusts, therefore, are, in a sense, a higher form of production, by making production— for profit—more rational and economical, avoiding the waste of overproduction, reducing transport costs, cutting expenses for advertising and sale, and payments to intermediaries.

On the other hand, trusts have a tendency to cause prices to rise, by avoiding the fall in prices that comes from improved production. Moreover, their goal is to increase the oppression of workers, opposing unions and attempts by the labor force to organize against the united power of the owners.

Pools and coalitions are simply tools of the trusts and cartels, operating solely to raise prices on the necessities of life. These increases constitute a disaster for the general interest of the population, and must be vigorously condemned.

While the Congress wishes to show what trusts do to workers, it does not however recommend their prohibition, as they are a logical result of the present system of production. Legislation, at best, could modify their form, but it cannot hinder their activity. Socialists, nevertheless, do not oppose laws compelling trusts to reveal their operations and their financial results.

The only remedy is nationalization, and afterwards an international regularization of production.

Proletarian action should be directed toward ameliorating political and economic conditions. Use should be made of cooperation [cooperatives], by which the public expropriation of the great branches of production that trusts have made possible may be brought about. Thus, private production, having profit as its aim, will be gradually transformed into social production, which will look upon production for use as its aim.

* * *

THE GENERAL STRIKE

Resolution of the Twelfth Commission. Reporters were Karl Legien for the commission majority and Aristide Briand for the commission minority, with disagreements along the lines of debates on this question at previous congresses. The congress adopted the majority resolution, which follows, by a vote of 27 to 7.

The Congress, taking into account the resolutions adopted by the international congresses of Paris and Zurich, and recalling the resolution adopted in London in 1896 that dealt with the general strike:^[9]

Considers that strikes and boycotts are necessary weapons to attain the goals of the working class, but it does not see how an international general strike is, under existing circumstances, possible.

What is immediately necessary is the organization of trade unions by the masses of workers, since it is only the extension of organization that makes possible strikes in entire industries or entire countries.

Footnotes

Eduard Bernstein, Evolutionary Socialism: A Criticism and Affirmation (New York: Schocken Books, 1961), p. 202. ↑
Kautsky spelled out this intention in a speech he delivered at the German Social Democratic Party’s 1903 congress in Dresden: “Back then [in 1900] I tried to formulate the resolution in such a way that it went against Millerand in principle, but presented his behavior as a mistake rather than a crime. I wanted to preserve the principled standpoint, and yet pave the way for unity among the French. My latter efforts were in vain. . . . I thereby position myself against the view put forward by the revisionists that we will come to power by conquering one political ministry after another, and that therefore we can take power piecemeal, without a revolution.” Kautsky’s words are quoted from Protokoll über die Verhandlungen des Parteitages der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, Abgehalten zu Dresden, vom 13. bis 20. September 1903 (Berlin: Verlag Expedition der Buchhandlung Vorwärts, 1903), p. 384. Thanks to Sean Larson and Ben Lewis for research assistance. ↑
Finland and a large portion of Poland were part of the tsarist empire, and were increasingly subject to Russification and other oppressive measures. ↑
The war in South Africa (known commonly as the Second Boer War) was fought from October 1899 to May 1902 between British troops and forces of the South African Republic (Transvaal) and the Orange Free State. In this war, the British Empire sent almost half a million troops in an effort to strengthen its influence in southern Africa. Given Britain’s military superiority, the Boer forces relied primarily on guerrilla tactics. British forces responded with extreme brutality, herding civilian farmers into concentration camps, where many died. ↑
A nationalist movement in Armenia, part of the Ottoman Empire, had developed during the 1870s. In 1894–1896 a pogrom was carried out by the Ottoman government, leading to the massacre of up to several hundred thousand Armenians. ↑
The International Federation of Ship, Dock and River Workers was founded in 1896. In 1898 the federation changed its name to the International Transport Workers’ Federation, which continues to exist. ↑
The term “municipal socialism” arose in Britain in the 1870s to describe social reforms undertaken by local governments. By the 1890s this perspective was widely propagated in Britain, the US, Germany, and elsewhere. ↑
Concerning point (b) of the resolution on municipal socialism, the following sentence was included in the version of this resolution published in the Social-Democrat: “This paragraph was eventually deleted as the International Committee formed in accordance with the first resolution [on international organization] has charge of collecting all documents relating to municipal life,” Social-Democrat 4, no. 11 (November 15, 1900): pp. 342–43. ↑
The London Congress of 1896 did not in fact adopt a resolution on the general strike, altyhough it did reject a resolution on it by the minority of the Economic and Industrial Commission. ↑