I arrived back in Hanoi at a moment when the people were feeling great indignation over the French invasion of Lai Chau. The invasion had been carried out by Alessandri’s troops who had fled from the Japanese after the coup of March 9 the previous year. They had been kept by the Chiang Kai-shek government in an area near the Sino-Vietnamese border. In fact, they had crossed the border as early as late January. Even during the Lunar New Year, a number of National Defence units had been urgently sent to the Northwest to stop the enemy advance.
At the same time, there were persistent rumours of negotiations being conducted between the French and Chiang at Chungking on the Indochinese question. The news was spread by Western agencies; Chungking kept silent, giving neither comments nor denials.
Hanoi pressmen interviewed Lu Han. The Chinese general stated: “The French troops have been allowed by Chungking to enter Lai Chau.” He added that the French had to follow a specified route. He denied any knowledge of the Chinese-French negotiations.
About the same time, the French mission in Hanoi, through the agency of an intermediary, asked for a meeting with us.
Early in September in the previous year, a foreigner had called at the gate of Bac Bo Palace. The guards thought he was a member of the American mission. When taken to the reception desk, he introduced himself as a French officer and asked to see a representative of our Government. Comrade Hoang Minh Giam received him.
The officer conveyed Sainteny’s proposal for talks with a competent representative of our Government. He complained that the French mission was held in near custody by the Japanese in the former French Governor’s palace; he had had a difficult time finding some way to get here.
We too wanted to explore the French attitude. Comrade Giam came to the Japanese headquarters to see Sainteny. The latter offered to expound to our Government the French Government’s stand on the Indochinese question.
Some time later, at Sainteny’s request, Comrade Giam took him to Bac Bo Palace. I was appointed to receive him.
Sainteny set forth his ideas about Franco-Vietnamese relations. He tried to appear flexible and sensible. But what he said was not greatly different from what De Gaulle had announced earlier. Sainteny also complained that the sentry had made an unfriendly gesture when he passed the gate of the Palace. In fact, it was customary for our soldier at that time to present arms with fixed bayonets.
From then on occasional exchanges of views took place between our side and the French.
Our stand was that France should recognize the independence and territorial integrity of Viet Nam prior to any discussions.
The French came back to invade Nam Bo: the war was spreading day after day. At times, the talks became tense. Uncle Ho often reminded us that we should stand by our just position and set forth our arguments clearly, but should keep an attitude of calmness and moderation. The talks did not lead to any agreement and were suspended.
Now the French mission informed us that a Sino-French agreement on the Indochinese question was to be signed soon. They said they would like to negotiate a political settlement with us: if we did not accept the offer, the consequences would be harmful to future Vietnamese-French relations.
On 20 February, in Paris, the French Minister for Overseas Affairs Marius Moutet disclosed the provisions of the Sino-French agreement. The most important one was that Chungking agreed to let the French bring troops to the North to replace the Chiang troops, who were to be withdrawn. The news was reported by Reuter with a threat: “Perhaps the French government would not hesitate to use force if Viet Nam refused a compromise.”
It was obvious that the enemies had come to an accommodation with each other. The fact that Chiang had let French troops come back to Lai Chau was a concrete proof.
The French Government and the French mission in Hanoi hoped to use the Sino-French agreement — which was not yet signed by that time — to bring pressure to bear upon us in the talks.
The Viet Nam Nationalist Party suddenly intensified their disruptive activities.
They sent out men to distribute handbills in the street calling on the Hanoi people to stage a general strike and markets to close down to show opposition to the Government. They realized that in the current bargain both Chungking and the French had ignored them completely. They also sensed that the French wanted to reach an agreement with us. In the new situation, their fate as Chiang flunkeys would be threatened. They carried on their struggle by spearheading their attacks against us. That was also the intention of the Chiang militarist group in direct command of those agents in Hanoi.
On the morning of February 20, hooligans gathered at some of the city gates. They prevented peasants from the outskirts from entering the city to sell their produce. Some jumped into the trams, stopped the engines and forbade tram drivers to work. Others went to government offices, snatched the keys from the gate-keepers and prevented the employees from coming in. Still others broke into Dong Xuan market. They jumped onto the counters, calling on sellers and buyers to disperse. Women sellers of fruit and vegetables drove them away with blows from their carrying poles.
On the same morning, about a hundred other thugs gathered in Quan Thanh Road. They put up a yellow flag with the word “People” on it. Then they staged a march howling and shouting. Some of them, wearing khaki uniforms, dark glasses and high boots, forced passers-by to follow them at gun-point. They shouted, “Down with the Government”, “Down with pro-French traitors”, “Set up a new government under the leadership of Adviser Vinh Thuy”, etc. They abused those who, standing in front of their houses were cursing them or looking at them with contempt.
The reactionaries came to the side of Lake Hoan Kiem and made for the City Hall.
The people also came in large crowds to the lakeside from various directions. A young man took the gold-starred red flag hoisted in front of the Viet Nam News Agency building. He held it high, and people lined up behind him. A demonstration took shape, with the participation of thousands of people who began marching and shouting slogans in support of the Government.
The men carrying the “people” signs had now arrived at the City Hall. Suddenly voices among them started shouting: “Support the Ho Chi Minh Government!”, “Down with the saboteurs;”. The people standing around responded with the same slogans. A scuffle broke out among the reactionary demonstrators. Those who had been forced to join them now turned on them with the help of the people in the streets.
At the same time, the demonstration in support of the Government arrived in force. The frightened reactionaries furled their flags and banners and fled. The people’s demonstration went past the City Hall, reached the corner of Duy Tan Street(1) and then made for Bac Bo Palace. Pioneers and children from neighbouring streets had also joined in and marched in front of the victorious demonstrators, beating their drums.
The demonstrators gathered in larger and larger crowds in front of Bac Bo Palace. Uncle Ho appeared at the window. He waved to the crowd. Shouts of “Long live President Ho!” thundered continuously.
On the 21st, the Nationalist Party staged another demonstration with the participation of a few hundred people. They shouted slogans demanding power for Vinh Thuy. They came to Vinh Thuy’s house in Tran Hung Dao Street. The reactionaries sent in a delegation to see the Adviser and express the will of the “people”. Vinh Thuy did not show up.
In the streets where the reactionaries passed, the people expressed their disapproval by flying the national flag and slamming their doors shut. Passers- by shouted slogans against them, and children ran ahead of the demonstrators shouting “Long live President Ho.” Every now and again, there were clashes between the people and the provocateurs. From small alleys and the upper storeys of houses, stones and bricks were sometimes thrown at the shouting and gesturing ringleaders in dark glasses and jack boots.
It was possible that at that time Vinh Thuy was already harbouring dark designs, but in response to the reactionaries’ demand that he take power, he told newsmen the following day: “A group of men are not the people. The election of a President for Viet Nam will be decided upon by the National Assembly, for only the National Assembly is the official representative of the people in the whole country. A man cannot be made President just because of the wish of a group.”
(1) Now Hang Bai Street.