Georgy Oppokov 1918
First Published: in Kommunist. Ezenedel'nyi zurnal ekonomiki, politiki i obsenstvennosti. Organ Moskovskago Oblastnogo Byuro RKP (bol'sevikov) [The Communist. Weekly Magazine for Economics, Politics and Social Questions. Organ of the Moscow District Office of the RCP(B)], No. 3, May 16, 1918.
Source: Internationalist Communist Tendency.
Online Version: Marxists Internet Archive 2021
HTML Markup: Zdravko Saveski
The Rada, the Ukrainian body of the conciliators, imposed its power with the help of German imperialist bayonets, and was then driven out by the latter.
Throughout the decisive struggle against the Soviet Republic, the Rada was "set up" to have a "socialist" appearance, when in fact it played the role of an imperialist lieutenant crushing the Soviet Republic and the Russian Revolution. The latter need the service of Ukrainian allies; but now we face new, even more brutal executioners of workers' and peasants' freedom. The traitorous cowardice of the Mensheviks and the Ukrainian SRs, who, even on the eve of the Rada debacle, clung to their curule seats[1] and to their power, could not save them. So the delegation sent to Baron Mumm[2] reported to him the central Rada's decision to designate a new minister while making it completely clear to him that he would give in to all the desires of the German authorities anyway. The Baron responded that the Rada's message had reached him too late.
He indulgently lectured the disconcerted conciliators. He had previously "warned" the Rada that "socialisation of the land and other reforms would be impossible". And the conciliators, skilled as they were at their one job, that is, being traitors, were perfectly ready not only to betray the Russian Revolution, but also to accept absolutely anything asked of them. The Rada delegates affirmed their good will by instructing the new minister to revise the agrarian legislation by restoring the private property of the landowners. But they also heard the fatal response: "It is already too late! The Moor has done his work, the Moor may go!"[3] With the bloody massacres of workers, its betrayal of the revolution and the shameful sale of its collaborative soul, the Rada has definitely opened the eyes of workers and the poor peasants of Ukraine showing them clearly who their friends and enemies are. The big bourgeoisie and landowners tolerated the Rada solely for its counter-revolutionary policy. After losing all support from below, the Rada remained suspended in the air, then its toes were trodden on, then it was tossed out contemptuously on the roadside like a dead dog. Its politics were penetrated by narrow nationalism because of their aspirations of opposing the "Muscovites" of the Soviet Republic. In reality this was the smokescreen behind which the counter-revolution of the bourgeoisie and the lords was able to settle its own business. Its nationalism revealed its counter-revolutionary essence in its actions and its policy.
The bourgeois counter-revolutionary policy of utilising national differences was defeated by the march of the Russian and Ukrainian Revolutions. Instead of relying on nationalism, German imperialism is now relying on the counter-revolution of the bourgeoisie and the lords. The sense of this turn became apparent in the course of these events. So what are the forces on which the new regime, led by Hetman Skoropadskyi, now relies?
Even the explanation for the causes of the coup d'état given by the German ambassador in Ukraine, Baron Mumm, shed an extraordinary light on the character of the coup d'état and of the forces used by German imperialism. "The German authorities," the ambassador said, "drew to the attention of the Rada and the government several times . that carrying out the socialisation of the land and other reforms would be impossible." The sacred rights of the landowners and village kulaks to private property - this was the basis of the Ukrainian coup d'état. It was no accident that the Congress of Bread Producers consisted of landowners, rich peasants and the Kadet party.[4] Kistiakowsky,[5] who drafted a report on the agrarian question, took this generous resolution: "Any ownership of the land, based on a right other than that to property, is contrary to the historical tradition of the Ukrainian "bread producers". For this reason we demand the immediate restoration of the right to free use of the land and the dissolution of all agrarian committees as well as all other committees." The Congress demanded to add to this resolution the phrase "as well as all other committees".
The "bread producers" welcomed the following words of Kistiakowsky very warmly: "That which has been stolen in the name of the law must be returned to its rightful owner, that which has been burned must be reimbursed." The Congress of Bread Producers reunited the citizens that the revolution had "plundered" with those who had "stolen" the land. What is more, in accordance with this coalition of kulaks and landowners, Hetman Skoropadskyi proclaimed in this statement, "The right to private property as a fundamental element of culture and civilisation is restored in full . the full freedom to sell and buy land is re-established . all agrarian committees are dissolved."
The other force on which German imperialism depended was that of the bourgeoisie.
The representatives of the industrial, commercial, financial and agrarian organisations of Ukraine stated their position in a memorandum: "Socialist experiences are totally inadmissible in the field of agrarian reform, based as they are on the latest proclamations[6] and aimed at abolishing private ownership of land. At the time of nationalisation of property, one principle should govern this nationalisation, that of reimbursing expropriated property. We must express our firm opposition to so-called workers' control and to all attempts at the socialisation and nationalisation of enterprises. Normal functioning of enterprise is impossible without fully restoring the right of its owners to dispose of it. From this perspective, it is crucial that the government calls for the workers' organisations (unions, factory committees, etc.) to completely cease all interventions in commercial, administrative and technical activities of the leaders of enterprise. In the current state in which industry finds itself, all attempts to put in place a policy of a universally fixed wage must be abandoned."
The task of the bourgeoisie is getting rid of all the victories of the workers' and peasants' revolution of October. Nationalisation and workers' control must be completely eliminated. "Full ownership" and the rights of the owner to dispose of his property must be fully restored, regulation of wages must be forbidden. The programme is clearly laid bare.
Skoropadskyi has adopted this programme as well. The interests of the bourgeois counter-revolution are cherished as those of the counter-revolution of the landowners and kulaks. "In the economic and financial domain," he said, "full freedom of trade is restored and a large space has opened for private initiatives . the right to private property as a fundamental element of culture and civilisation is restored in full." The economic programme of the coup d'état is that of the counter-revolution of the bourgeoisie and the lords.
Their political tasks are as clear as their economic ones: the abolition of any and all political role for the workers' and peasants' organisations, the dissolution of "all" committees, a crusade against the workers' organisations - this policy is transparent. But the counter-revolution does not end there, it wants to dissolve the Constituent Assembly that will be called.
It will replace it with a new Constituent Assembly elected by census society [i.e. only property holders - ed]. Finally, sitting on his throne at the head of this political programme sits the imposing figure of Skoropadskyi who at least possesses "the full powers of the leader of the territory of the whole Ukrainian state." The only ones who limit and subject this autocratic power are General Eichhorn[7] and a Prussian lieutenant.[8] But no matter, let us be grateful and remember that Ukraine "owes its salvation," as Skoropadskyi has said, "to the powerful support of the Central Powers, which, true to their word, continue currently to struggle for unity and peace in Ukraine."
So which parties are represented on the board of the Council of Ministers? Certainly the self righteous ones that do no wrong by the socialist utopia, the parties thankful to the Prussian junkers for the power that they have gained - we have known them a long time, they hate the Germans and were prepared to fight them to the death; the Kadets and the Octobrists. Last year they were accusing the Bolsheviks and their leaders of being German agents, and now they lick the boots of these same imperialists. The committee of the Party of People's Freedom of the region of Kiev (its CC has remained silent) recognises the "necessity" of its members participating in the new government. A year ago, they practically classified anyone who crossed Germany in a "sealed"[9] train as a traitor, and today, its representatives participate in the government of the counter-revolution of the bourgeoisie and the lords thanks to Ludendorff's[10] bayonets. It is interesting to note that the whole bourgeois press accords very flattering characteristics to the militants of the counter-revolution. Zaria Rossii[11] does not stop there. The journal describes the coup d'état joyously: "In halting the "social revolution" in Ukraine we can only emphasise this: the fanciful experience of historic socialism, bearing no relation to the local conditions, must sooner or later end up this way," wrote this organ of the bosses. The Russian capitalists, as well as the Kadets, the Octobrists and other forces, practically buried by the workers' and peasants' revolution, are attempting to resuscitate themselves with the help of the coup d'état by the German bayonets in Ukraine. They hope to succeed, with the aid of these same weapons, in getting rid of every trace of this "fanciful experience" of the socialist organisation of the economy in Russia. It is no accident that their agent, Professor Kistiakowsky, has arrived in Moscow, nor that the notorious Black Hundreds[12] are now crawling out of the woodwork. The Hetman, the Ukrainian Cadets and General Ludendorff do not limit themselves to Ukrainian territory alone. No, they have "overcome" their nationalism, they have become supporters of a great power and dream of "powerful support from the Central Powers" to carry out a coup d'état, including in Soviet Russia. While they wait, they prepare themselves on all sides in the counter-revolutionary sections so that the counter-revolution of the bourgeoisie and the lords can quickly find a "Hetman" wearing the crown, and ministers who already know how to organise their counter-revolutionary forces. The Russian counter-revolution peers enviously at the Ukrainian counter-revolution. One is awakening the other, and both are counting on the "powerful support" of the imperialist bayonets of the Central Powers.
This is the profound significance of the latest coup d'état; the proletariat will take it into account in its policies.
A. Lomov
Notes
[1] 1 A seat with crossed legs given to Roman high magistrates, a symbol of power.
[2] Philipp Alfons Freiherr Mumm von Schwarzenstein (1859-1924): German Diplomat of the Second Reich, stationed in Kiev from 1917-1918.
[3] Quotation inspired by the Friedrich Schiller play Die Verschwörung des Fiesco zu Genua (Fiesco's Conspiracy at Genoa, 1784): "Der Mohr hat sein Arbeit Getan, der Mohr kann gehen." (Act III, Scene 4)
[4] Member of the Constitutional Democratic Party of People's Freedom, the "Kadets".
[5] Bogdan Alexandrovich Kistiakowsky (1863-1920): Russian lawyer and politician, philosopher and sociologist specialising in law, member of the Kadet party, law professor, he was professor at the University of Kiev in 1917 and became Minister of the Interior in the fourth Skoropadskyi cabinet from 24th November to 14th December 1918.
[6] The universal proclamations of the Central Rada of Ukraine were enacted in four instalments on the following dates: 23 June 1917 (autonomy of Ukraine, sovereignty of decisions by Ukrainians), 16 July 1917 (organisation of the Rada and its relationship to the central government), 20 November 1917 (declaration of the People's Republic of Ukraine, abolition of private ownership of land, an eight hour working day, fundamental individual freedoms), 22 January 1918 (declaration of the National Republic of Ukraine, break with Bolshevik Russia, beginning of peace negotiations with Germany). The quotation here refers to the third proclamation.
[7] Hermann Emil Gottfried von Eichhorn (1848-1918): German officer, veteran of the Franco-Prussian war of 1870, he was promoted to the rank of Generelfeldmarschall (field marshal general) on 18 December 1917. On 3 April 1918, von Eichhorn became supreme commander of the Army group at Kiev and military governor in Ukraine. He was assassinated in Kiev on 30 July by Boris Mikhailovich Donskoy, a Left SR.
[8] The editor is undoubtedly referring here to Eichhorn's aide-de-camp, Captain von Dressler, who fell victim to the same assassination by bomb.
[9] Reference to Lenin's return to Russia in April 1917.
[10] Erich Ludendorff (1865-1937): German officer and politician, quartermaster general of Hindenburg, he was also a general in chief of the German armies from August 1916.
[11] Zaria Rossii, independent progressive journal published in Moscow. Terminated in July 1918.
[12] Monarchist, ultra-nationalist, xenophobic and antisemitic organisation that first appeared after 1905 in defence of the autocracy of Romanov and did not hesitate to resort to violence (calls to pogroms, political assassinations). The group was officially dissolved after February 1917, but its members remained active in the counter-revolutionary movement.